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ram04

04-02 04:29 PM

Keep new approved H1 and all related documents with you for POE, also EVL.

I enered POE twice in similar situation as yours without new stamping.
Both times POE (Atlanta) experience was good for me.

I just entered even after new USCIS memo.

Good luck.

- Ram

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StuckInTheMuck

07-11 10:28 AM

There are multiple threads on this topic running already.

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reddymjm

03-12 07:40 AM

Congratulations and good luck.

Please contribute. http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?p=325844

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Macaca

09-27 11:40 AM

Following Bush Over a Cliff (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/26/AR2007092602067.html) By David S. Broder (davidbroder@washpost.com) | Washington Post, September 27, 2007

The spectacle Tuesday of 151 House Republicans voting in lock step with the White House against expansion of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) was one of the more remarkable sights of the year. Rarely do you see so many politicians putting their careers in jeopardy.

The bill they opposed, at the urging of President Bush, commands healthy majorities in both the House and Senate but is headed for a veto because Bush objects to expanding this form of safety net for the children of the working poor. He has staked out that ground on his own, ignoring or rejecting the pleas of conservative senators such as Chuck Grassley and Orrin Hatch, who helped shape the compromise that the House approved and that the Senate endorsed.

SCHIP has been one of the most successful health-care measures created in the past decade. It was started in 1997 with support from both parties, in order to insure children in families with incomes too high to receive Medicaid but who could not afford private insurance.

The $40 billion spent on SCHIP in the past 10 years financed insurance for roughly 6.6 million youngsters a year. The money was distributed through the states, which were given considerable flexibility in designing their programs. The insurance came from private companies, at rates negotiated by the states.

Governors of both parties -- 43 of them, again including conservatives such as Sonny Perdue of Georgia -- have praised the program. And they endorsed the congressional decision to expand the coverage to an additional 4 million youngsters, at the cost of an additional $35 billion over the next five years. The bill would be financed by a 61-cents-a-pack increase in cigarette taxes. If ever there was a crowd-pleaser of a bill, this is it. Hundreds of organizations -- grass-roots groups ranging from AARP to United Way of America and the national YMCA -- have called on Bush to sign the bill. America's Health Insurance Plans, the largest insurance lobbying group, endorsed the bill on Monday.

But Bush insists that SCHIP is "an incremental step toward the goal of government-run health care for every American" -- an eventuality he is determined to prevent.

Bush's adamant stand may be peculiar to him, but the willingness of Republican legislators to line up with him is more significant. Bush does not have to face the voters again, but these men and women will be on the ballot in just over a year -- and their Democratic opponents will undoubtedly remind them of their votes.

Two of their smartest colleagues -- Heather Wilson of New Mexico and Ray LaHood of Illinois -- tried to steer House Republicans away from this political self-immolation, but they had minimal success. The combined influence of White House and congressional leadership -- and what I would have to call herd instinct -- prevailed.

Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Tex.) argued that "rather than taking the opportunity to cover the children that cannot obtain coverage through Medicaid or the private marketplace, this bill uses these children as pawns in their cynical attempt to make millions of Americans completely reliant upon the government for their health-care needs."

In his new book, former Federal Reserve Board chairman Alan Greenspan wrote that his fellow Republicans deserved to lose their congressional majority in 2006 because they let spending run out of control and turned a blind eye toward misbehavior by their own members. Now, those Republicans have given voters a fresh reason to question their priorities -- or their common sense.

Saying no to immigration reform and measures to shorten the war in Iraq may be politically defensible, because there are substantial constituencies who question the wisdom of those bills -- and who favor alternative policies. But the Bush administration's arguments against SCHIP -- the cost of the program and the financing -- sound hollow at a time when billions more are being spent in Iraq with no end in sight. Bush's alternative -- a change in the tax treatment of employer-financed health insurance -- has some real appeal, but it is an idea he let languish for months after offering it last winter. And, in the judgment of his fellow Republicans on the Senate Finance Committee, Bush's plan is too complex and controversial to be tied to the renewal of SCHIP.

This promised veto is a real poison pill for the GOP.

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senk1s

05-14 01:20 AM

one of my friend (EB2@TSC - India PD 2001) didnt see anything happen after the infopass ... YET
but definitely worth a try (it worked for our EAD).

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arjunram

03-27 10:54 PM

My Receipt date for 485 is july 27th 2007 and nebraska is processing applications for this date.

I applied for cross chargeability on 10th March.. Any idea how long before my case is approved? My lawyer has confirmed that its possible and he claims that it should take 4-8 weeks. I wanted to check to see what the experience of people has been so far?

Any insight is greatly appreciated! Thanks!

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andy.thorne

08-02 09:09 AM

I'm not sure, I just read about it online so I thought I'd have a go. I've only been visiting Kirupa for the past couple of days.

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coolfun

01-28 12:49 AM

Hi,

Gurus - I have few questions and I need your help:

1. My EAD/AP expires in June/July '08. Can I apply for their renewal now?

2. Will there be a finger-printing requirement for the renewal? We had finger print in June 2007 when we applied 485/765/131 together?

3. Is it better to efile or paper file?

4. I will be in India from April to June this year. I have an AP valid till end June. Can I file for EAD/AP renewal and leave for India in April. Is there any risk? I can still use my current AP to enter when I come in early June, right?

Thanks so much.

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rk2006

08-12 10:08 AM

Can some one reply to my post please. My question is regarding EAD only. Once I apply for EAD and go to India what happens
1. If I am not there while it approved? Can my frnd send me the EAD to India?
2. if I get called for finger printing for EAD and if dont go for it? Will my AOS will be treated as abandoned?

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Axilleus

09-28 12:27 PM

Hi everyone

I just got off the phone with USCIS and I thought I should share this with you. I received an appointment notice regarding fingerprints (for 10/20/07) and I called USCIS to ask if I can reschedule it for an earlier date. They said that I could go to the local application support center (the same location that is on the appointment notice) any Wednesday and ask for service at that time. That way I don't have to wait 3.5 weeks just to get the fingerprints taken and I'll probably get my EAD by then.
I hope this works out for me.
If anybody had such experience, please share.

Thanks

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instantkarma

05-28 08:58 AM

Hello,
I have a new job offer from one of the largest product based company's Global Consulting Professional services.
Situation:
1. I am in a PORTABLE AC21 situation over 180 days of 485 filing and an approved I-140.
2. I have requested the company to prefer my EAD over their H1B offering.

Questions:
1. If I take their H1B offer, what are the risks of USCIS asking me a client letter before joining? Please note it is a huge org. The company intends to take me in after obtaining LIN# from premium H1B processing.
2. The prevailing wage on my LC when filed in 2005 was $60,757 and the offered wage at that time from my company was $76545. My NEW offer in 2010 stands at $118000. Is that an issue?
3. If I use my EAD which is expiring September2010 and due renewal can I keep continuing work until obtaining new EAD?

Thanks,
Ari

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Macaca

10-06 05:25 PM

Lott Looking to Form New �Gang� (http://rollcall.com/issues/53_38/news/20338-1.html) By Erin P. Billings | Roll Call Staff, October 4, 2007

In what could be a new incarnation of the successful bipartisan �Gang of 14,� Minority Whip Trent Lott (R-Miss.) hosted a meeting this week with a handful of the Senate�s most notable compromisers to figure out how to unclog the gridlock that has slowed the chamber�s progress this year.

About half a dozen moderate and independent-minded Republicans and at least one Democrat � Sen. Ben Nelson (Neb.) � participated in the Members-only huddle, which was held quietly in Lott�s Capitol office Tuesday morning. Afterward, few Senators offered much detail, but several said there�s a feeling among them that the narrowly divided chamber no longer can operate at an impasse and they want to find ways to avoid the growing number of filibusters sidelining Senate legislation this year.

�We�re seeing if there�s a way to bring some people together to bring some more comity to this place,� Nelson said.

Lott declined to discuss the meeting or its goals, saying only: �I think I ought not say anything. Others are going to say too much, so I am not going to say anything.�

According to other Senators, however, the discussion focused on how the deal-minded group could help avert the growing number of standoffs in trying to clear bills through the Senate this Congress. Most particularly, Senators said they vetted ways to work through upcoming fights on such issues as appropriations bills and stalled judicial nominations such as that of Leslie Southwick, Lott�s home-state pick for the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

Southwick narrowly cleared the Judiciary Committee last summer but has yet to come up for full Senate consideration. The White House and Republican Senators have been trying to corral 60 votes to advance his confirmation, but are still shy of meeting that mark against powerful Democratic opposition.

�It�s about creating a better environment to get things done for the country,� said Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who participated in the meeting. �We need to get back to being a deliberative body.�

�We�re going to see if we can work beyond the logjam,� said Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-Maine), who also was there and described it as the �beginning of a process.�

Graham, Nelson and Snowe were members of the previous Congress� bipartisan Gang of 14, a group of seven Democrats and seven Republicans who assembled in the face of a bitter partisan Senate standoff over movement of President Bush�s judicial nominees. The group brokered a historic deal to allow for votes on certain stalled Bush picks in exchange for keeping the minority�s option to use the filibuster intact.

That group didn�t formally involve Lott as one of its members, but the then-rank-and-file Mississippi Senator was a primary force behind the scenes leading to its creation. Lott stepped away after the gang officially formed.

Nelson wouldn�t say this week whether Tuesday�s meeting was a step toward

re-creating a similar bipartisan coalition, calling the Gang of 14 �unique.� But the Nebraska Democrat did suggest there are clear parallels in terms of the two groups� goals.

�It�s just a conversation at this point,� Nelson said. �We�re trying to see if there�s an interest in building support for moving legislation and to avoid having as many cloture votes as we�ve had and moving legislation along.�

So far this year, the Democratic majority has called to invoke cloture, a lengthy procedural roadblock that has markedly slowed down Senate action on a whole host of bills, some 56 times. Democrats have argued they are forced to do so against an intransigent 49-seat GOP minority, while Republicans have insisted it shows that Democrats are trying to ram through legislation without their input.

Although not all showed up, sources indicated that about 10 Senators were asked to take part in Tuesday�s meeting. In addition to Lott, Nelson, Graham and Snowe, GOP Sens. Susan Collins (Maine), Bob Corker (Tenn.), John Warner (Va.), John McCain (Ariz.), Gordon Smith (Ore.) and Norm Coleman (Minn.) were invitees.

Although not in attendance Tuesday, Coleman said discussions abound among rank-and-file Senators about how to �fix things� and break some of the legislative stalemate. He added that it�s not a surprise that Lott � one of the Senate�s most notorious deal-makers � would lead the charge.

�It�s a legitimate concern,� Coleman said of the gridlock. �We�re all impacted by the failure of being able to do the things that people sent us here to do.�

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manderson

03-14 08:27 PM

so what are the EB provisions that will affect us?

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11-11 08:15 AM

Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95

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Nikith77

03-15 09:09 AM

Can you please update your profile.

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vamsivikram

04-11 11:58 AM

IF I COMPLETE MY M.S. IN 1 YEAR AT A U.S. UNIVERSITY
AND THEN IF FILE A H-1B THROUGH A CONSULTANCY

WILL COMPLETION OF MY M.S. IN 1 YEAR BECOME A PROBLEM FOR GETTING A H-1B IN THE MASTERS (M.S.) QUOTA OF 20,000?

BCOZ SOME OF MY FRIENDS TOLD ME THAT IT IS NOT GUD TO COMPLETE M.S. WITHIN 1 YEAR OR IN EXACTLY 1 YEAR, LATER IT BECOMES A PROBLEM FOR GETTING A H-1B THROUGH M.S. QUOTA.( THEY SAID THEN I WILL HAVE TO GO THROUGH GENERAL 65,000 QUOTA AND WILL NOT BE ELIGIBLE FOR 20,000 M.S. QUOTA, if m.s. is completed in 1 year)

IS IT TRUE, IS THERE ANY SUCH IMIGRATION RULE DURING H-1B FILING


please clear my doubt as soon as possible
my mail id is pvamsivikram@gmail.com

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pani_6

01-14 04:41 PM

I meant Papu..We have not yet heard from IV Core..I know funds may be an issue to do hard lobbying..can we use soft campigning like letter and Fax campign to turn attention to the legal issue..I thought it was time to pick up momentum now..
How about letter and Fax campaign to Key Congressmen..?. Papu?:)

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seeker

09-14 12:58 PM

I am planning to visit India for a10 days in October. I have a valid h1b status till 2010 which I thinking of getting stamped at new delhi. But it seems the PIMS verification delay is making people wait for weeks and months. I have an AP which I can use to enter as an alternative. But I wanted to know if anyone had experience in stamping at the delhi consulate? Do they keep the passport if it is send for PIMS verification? In that case I'll drop the idea of getting it stamped and use my AP (though I want to avoid doing that snce I want to maintain my h1b status).

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mrdinh

November 2nd, 2004, 12:48 AM

this is probably posted before but i'm too lazy to search it...when you using flash with flash wb, the image seems to warm, kinda yellowish...but use auto wb, the pic is more cool and seems right...what do you think?

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m1801b

09-10 01:26 AM

Currently on H1B 8th year extension which will expire on 25th June, 2009.

Labor PD: 9th August, 2004
Labor cleared: 11th September, 2007.
I-140 (approval pending) filed on 4th October, 2007. Received at USCIS on 5th October, 2007.
Can�t file for I-485 since the EB3 date for India is unavailable.

There is a high chance that I might be laid off at my current employer in the next 2-3 weeks.

Can I transfer my H-1 upto June 25th, 2009 (or later) as well as start a new PERM case in EB2 category?

In case of the above H-1 transfer, will the new H-1 be valid for 1 year from the filing or will it be upto 25th June, 2009?

What are my other options not to go out of status or leave the country?

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mrajatish

11-09 10:32 PM

No one joined the call - I will reschedule for next Sunday. Folks, please let me know if you want the call at a different time.
Thanks,
-Raj

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